£ 

675 

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MAIN 


ED5217 


AN    PARTY    THE    \VORK- 
•'S    FRIEND. 


3    S3fl    210 


,  we  must  also  rememoer 
means,  not  ends.    They 
ly  for  the  enforcement  of 
policies  for  the  benefit  of 
id  as  it  is  an  axiom  that 
fcal,  ever  triumphant,  and 
>nly  that   political  party 
the  progressive  spirit  of 
promotion  of  the  perma- 
^Ifare  ot  the  people,  will  be 
"   with  their  confidence 
henever  any  party  ceases 
the  reformatory  and 
)f  the  times,  it  ceases  to 
of  the  majority,  which 
efflcacj  and  governing; 

OF   FRBB  0OVBRNM3NT. 

legsinga  of  a  Republican 
parantees  to  every  citizen 
management  of  affairs, 
*ie  fact  that  the  Republic 
to  lite  and  pioperty  than 
[it  is  more  economical; 
of  greater  efficiency,  or 
errors  of  public  policy. 
I  Republic  consists  in  the 
mce  and  personal  capa- 
ig  citizen  and  a  governed 
uess  of  power,  and  con- 
practfeal  acceptation 
ian,  no  matter  what  hie 
hie  vocation,  is  equally  a 
>verning  power,  and  that 
but  of  him,  are  the 
a  republican  State  pre- 
lergisdng  and  beuetlcient 
)Wth  of  personal  charac- 
"  the  infinite  superiority 
lonarchical    institutions, 
considerations  of  rela- 
incy  dwindle  into  ingig- 

3INTIAL  TO  HUMAN  HAP- 

nssp. 

bs  ago,  Solon,  the  great 
aus,  and  the  wisest  man 
I  the  happiest  man  whom 
fremost  as  the  first  os- 
lat  happiness,  that  he 
ordered  State." 
le  water  we  drink,  and 
bathes  us,  are  not  the 
[.life  because  they  are  so 
10  notice,  and  even  ne- 
ient  Providence  which 
m  to  pur  need  I.  And 
purity  of  life  and  prop- 
press,  a  free  religion, 
lie's  occupation  and  to 
tfcegift  ot  thf .people, 


ao  universal  recogni  tion ,  that 
appreciate  these  essential  and 
;o  a  happy  and  we!  I  developed 
s  sufficiently  grateful  and  at- 
vernment  which  alone  guarad- 
should  never  lorget  that  this  ia 
and  well-ordered  republican 
State  in  the  world;  that  everywhere  else  we 
have  either  despotisms,  absolute  or  qualified,, 
or  nominal  republics  tempered  with  anarchy 
and  civil  wars. 

THE  DUTIES  WB  OWB  TO  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

Tonsure  the  permanency  of  this  magnifi 
cent  and  inestimable  inheritance,  we  owe  it 
more  than  our  vote  and  pecuniary  support ;  we 
owe  it  our  highest  thought,  constant  vigilance, 
and  zealous  co-operation.  Not  only  in  time  of 
war  has  the  government  a  right  to"  command 
our  lives  and  fortunes,  but  in  time  of  peace  it 
has  the  right  to  demand  our  most  profound 
thought  and  watchful  care. 

TM  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  MAINLY  COMPOSED 
OF  WORKINOMEN. 

The  great  majority  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  who  are  tojlers  with  brain  and 
hand,  are  particularly  interested  in  the  main- 
tainence  of  our  government.  The  Republican 
party,  under  whose  leadership  the  arovernraent 
is  now  moving,  is  .composed  almost. exclusively 
of  laboring  men  ;  in  the  North  and  West,  its 
stronghold  is  among  ftie  farmers  aod  the  me 
chanics  of  the  villages,  and  in  the  South  its  most 
enthusiastic  supporters  are  the  recently  emanci 
pated  slaves.  Thus  the  separate  int-re«ts  of  the 
workingmen  are  safe  in  its  keeping:  for  while  we 
have  an  abundant  number  of  laborers  we  have, 
thank  God,  no  laboring  class — r>o  hereditary 
caste.  Men  may  be  engaged  either  in  physical 
or  mental  labors,  or  in  any  particular  branch 
thereof,  during  their  whole  life,  but  it,  is  entirely 
voluntary,  and  many  of  them  change  from  one 
to  the  other  as  it  may  to  them  eeem  best. 

THERE  ia  NO  PERMANENT  LABORING  CLASS. 

The  assumption  that  there  is  a  laboring  class 
or  interior  caste,  having  separate  and  antago- 
niBljic  interests,  which  descends  frorc  father  "to 
son,  and  from  which  no  one  can  rise  or  change 
is  a  monarchical  idea,  imported  fro? a  abroad 
and  inapplicable  to  our  country.  And  to  pre 
vent  the  formation  of  a  permanent  laboring 
class,  as  distinguished  from  a  professional  or  a 
capitalist  class,  ought  to  be  tht-  object  of  earnest 
solicitude  with  every  American  statesman  and 
thinker. 

NO  MATUBAL  ANTAGONISM  BETWIT5N  LABOB  AND 
CAPITAL. 

For  the  purpose  of  convenient  distinction,  and 
not  because  there  exists  such  an  absolute  line  oi 
demarkation  in  real  lite,  we  ir.y.y  assume  that 
there  are  three  distinct  stages  of  capital  in  the 
United  States:  the  capital  oi  physical  labor; 
the  capital  of  mental  labor,  and  the  capital  of 
accumulated  or  capitalized  labor.  Between 
these  three  classes  of  capitalists!  there  is  no 
natural  or  necessary  antagonism.  Ail  of  them 
are  interested  In  the  security  of  life  and  prop 
erty,  in  tke  enforcement  of  coatracti.  in  t&« 


'•' 


Tir 

' 


^f 


M'  #P 

'i 


THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY    THE 
INGMAN'S    FRIEND. 


1*72- 

WORK- 


— THK     OBJIOT    OF     POLITICAL 
PARTIES. 
NO.  1. 

In  a  Republican  Government,  political  parties 
lire  essential  State  machinery,  without  which 
si  ere  would  be  political  stagnation  ;  but  while 
we  recognize  this  fact,  we  must  also  remember 
•  that  parties  are  only  means,  not  ends.  They 
are  instruments  solely  for  the  enforcement  of 
principles,  ideas,  and  policies  for  the  benefit  of 
the  entire  nation  ;  and  as  it  is  an  axiom  that 
truth  alone  is  immortal,  ever  triumphant,  and 
conquering-  error  ;  only  that  political  party 
YThich  adapts  itself  to  the  progressive  spirit  of 
toe  age,  and  seeks  the  promotion  of  the  perma 
nent  and  universal  welfare  ot  the  people,  will  be 
eodarinff,  ana  honored  with  their  confidence 
and  support.  And  whenever  any  party  ceases 
to  be  in  harmony  with  the  reformatory  and 
progressive  tendency  of  the  times,  it  ceases  to 
le  the  representative  of  the  majority,  which 
g  lone  confers  upon  it  efficacy  and  governing 
power. 

THE  VITAL  ADVANTAGE  OF   FREE  GOVERNMENT. 

The  benefits  and  blessings  of  a  Republican 
government,  which  guarantees  to  every  citizen 
an  equal  voice  in  the  management  of  affairs, 
consist  not  chiefly  in  the  fact  that  the  Republic 
gives  greater  security  to  life  and  property  than 
the  Monarchy;  that  it  is  more  economical; 
that  its  civil  service  is  of  greater  efficiency,  or 
that  it  commits  fewer  errors  of  public  policy. 
The  chief  value  of  a  Republic  consists  in  the 
immense  spiritual  distance  and  personal  capa- 
bjlity  of  a  self-governing  citizen  and  a  governed 
subject.  The  consciousness  of  power,  and  con- 
tequent  self-respect,  the  practical  acceptation 
of  the  fact  that  every  man,  no  matter  what  hie 
circumstances  in  life  or  his  vocation,  is  equally  a 
ruler  and  part  of  the  governing  power,  and  that 
government  IB  not  abwe,  but  of  him,  are  the 
uhfef  advantages  which  a  republican  State  pre 
sents.  It  is  irj  these  energizing  snd  beneficient 
influences  upon  the  growth  of  personal  charac 
ter,  wherein  is  manifested  the  infinite  superiority 
of  republican  over  monarchical  institutions. 
.  before  which  all  minor  considerations  of  rela 
tive  economy  and  efficiency  dwindle  into  insig 
nificance, 

GOOD  GOVSRN1CP.NT  ESSENTIAL  TO  HUMAN  HAP 
PINESS, 

Twenty-two  centuries  ago,  Solon,  the  great 
law-giver  of  the  Athenians,  and  the  wisest  man 
of  his  age,  in  describing  the  happiest  man  whom 
he  ever  knew,  placed  foremost  as  the  first  es 
sential  condition  of  that  happiness,  that  he 
"lived  in  Greece,  a  well  ordered  State." 

The  air  we  breathe,  the  water  we  drink,  and 
the  genial  sunshine  that  bathes  us,  are  not  the 
less  essential  or  vital  to  life  because  they  are  so 
abundant,  that  we  take  no  notice,  and  even  ne 
glect  to  thank  a  beneficient  Providence  which 
has  so  iulJy  adapted  them  to  our  needa.  And 
In  this  great  republic,  security  of  life  and  prop 
erty,  an  untrammelled  press,  a  free  religion, 
Ireedom  to  change  one'i  occupation  and  to 
Mpire  to  aiv  afflce  within  the  gift  of  the  people, , 


are  principles  of  ao  universal  recognition,  thftt, 
we  do  not  fully  appreciate  these  essential  and 
vital  conditions  to  a  happy  and  well  developed 
life ;  nor  are  we  sufficiently  grateful  and  at 
tached  to  our  government  which  alone  gnarari- 
tees  them.  We  should  never  lonret  that  this  is 
the  only  great  and  well-ordered  republican 
State  in  the  world;  that  everywhere  else  we 
have  either  despotisms,  absolute  or  qualified, 
or  nominal  republics  tempered  with  anarchy 
and  civil  wars. 

THE  DUTIES  WB  OWE  TO  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

To  ensure  the  permanency  of  this  magnifi 
cent  and  inestimable  inheritance,  we  owe  it 
more  than  our  vote  and  pecuniary  support ;  we 
owe  it  our  highest  thought,  constant  vigilance, 
and  zealous  co-operation.  Not  only  in  time  of 
war  has  the  government  a  right  to"  command 
our  lives  and  fortunes,  but  in 'time  of  peace '  it 
has  the  right  to  demand  our  most  profound 
thought  and  watchful  care. 

THJI  REPUBLICAN  FARTT  MAINLY  COMPOSED 
OF  WORKINOMEN. 

The  great  majority  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  who  are  toilers  with  brain  and 
hand,  are  particularly  interested  in  the  main- 
tainence  of  our  government.  The  Republican 
party,  under  whose  leadership  the  srovernmenli 
is  now  moving,  is  .composed  almost  exclusively 
of  laboring  men  ;  in  the  North  a-d  West,  its 
stronghold  is  among  the  farmers  and  the  me 
chanics  of  the  villages,  and  in  the  Booth  its  most 
enthusiastic  supporters  are  the  recently  emanci 
pated  slaves.  Thus  the  separate  interests  of  th« 
workingruen  are  safe  in  its  keeping;  for  while  we 
ha^vean  abundant  number  of  laborers  we  have, 
thank  God,  no  laboring  class—no  hereditary 
caste.  Men  may  be  engaged  either  in  physical 
or  mental  labors,  or  in  any  partie^ar  branch 
thereof,  during  their  whole  life,  but  it  is  entirely 
voluntary,  and  many  of  them  chang-i  from  one 
to  the  other  aa  it  may  to  them  seem  best. 

THERE  is  NO  PERMANENT  LABORING  CLASS. 

The  assumption  that  there  is  a  laboring  class 
or  interior  caste,  having  separate  and  anta^o- 
nietic  interests,  which  descends  from  father  "to 
son,  and  from  which  no  one  can  rise  or  change 
is  a  monarchical  idea,  imported  from  abroad 
and  inapplicable  to  our  country.  And  to  pre 
vent  the  formation  of  a  permanent  laboring 
class,  as  distinguished  from  a  professional  or  a 
capitalist  class,  ought  to  be  the  object  of  earnest 
soucitude  with  every  American  statesman  and 
thinker. 

NO  KATUBAL  ANTAGONISM  BET WHTCN  LAJBOB  AND 
CAPITAL. 

For  the  purpose  of  convenient  distinction,  and 
not  because  there  exists  such  an  absolute  line  of 
demarkation  in  real  lite,  we  may  assume  that 
there  are  three  distinct  stages  of  capital  in  the 
United  States:  the  capital  o;  physical  labor 
the  capital  of  mental  labor,  and  the  capital  of 
accumulated  or  capitalized  labor.  Between 
these  three  classes  of  capitalists  there  is  no 
natural  or  necessary  antagonism.  Ail  of  them 
are  interested  in  the  security  of  life  and  prop 
erty,  in  tke  enforcement  of  eostractg.  in  tin 


2 


freedom  of  making  contracts  ;  in  the  complete  all 
liberty  of  changing  vocation  and  investments, 
in  general  education,  and  the  peaceful  and  econ 
omical  administration  of  public  atlairs.  The 
capitalist  of  physical  labor  has  for  sale  his  day's 
work  ;  the  capitalist  of  mental  labor  his  pro 
fessional  skill,  and  the  capitalist  of  reserved 
labor  the  accumulation  which  either  he  or  hie 
ancestors  have  acquired.  Sometime*  the  one 
and  sometimes  the  other  of  these  classes  receives 
the. highest  share  of  reward.  It  frequently  hap 
pens  in  our  Western  territories,  or  in  our  mining 
districts,  that  physical  labor  is  in  so  threat  de 
mand  that  lawyers  and  doctors  engage  side  by 
side  with  ordinary  laborers  in  physical  work, 
because  It  brings  by  far  Ihe  highest  reward.  At 
other  times  the  capital, represented  by  physical 
labor  is  so  abundant,  and  the  reserved  and  ac 
cumulated  capitai  is  in  such  great  demand  that 
It  receives  the  lion's  share  ol  the  reward. 

STATEMENT  or  THK  LABOR  PROBLEM. 
The  main  question,  which  an  inquiry  into 
the  labor  problem  suggests,  is  twofold  :  First, 
how  can  the  capitalist  of  a  day's  labor,  com 
prising  as  it  does  the  largest  class  of  our  popu 
lation,  receive  in  exchange  the  greatest  amount 
of  comfort,  and  the  greatest  share  of  profit. 
Secondly,  how  can  he  rise  most  easily  and 
speedily  to  the  condition  of  a  capitalist  of  re 
served  labor,  or  a  capitalist  of  skillful  mental 
acquirements. 

These  questions  are  of  the  moit  Tital  import 
ance  to  the  progress  of  the  world.  They  are  so 
profound  and  interwoven  with  the  fabric  of  so 
ciety,  that  they  require  the'  most  earnest,  con 
scientious,  pains-taking,  impartial,  and  non- 
partizan  investigation,  They  cannot  be  solved 
by  the  cheap  rhetoric  of  the  political  agitator, 
nor  by  intuition,  nor  by  the  unlettered  and 
untutored  suggestions  of  any  class,  looking 
upon  them  from  a  partial  standpoint.  And  if 
the  words  of  counsel  which  we  are  about  to 
present  to  our  fellow  laborers  do  not  clear 
away  all  the  difficulties  surrounding  the  subject , 
we  know,  at  least,  that  our  suggestions  are  the 
result,  both  of  earnest  thought,  and  of  a  sincere 
desire  to  level  up  our  physical  laborers  without 
levelling  down  any  other  class.  Elevate,  edu 
cate,  make  moral  and  free,  the  basis  of  society, 
and  not  ouly  is  the  safety  of  the  State  ensured, 
but  all  other  classes  will  DC  prosperous  and 
contented. 

THE    REPUBLICAN  PARTY    THE    WO  KK 
LNGMAN'SFRLENiJ. 

No.  2, 

POLITICAL,  PERSONAL  AMD  ASSOCIATED  ACTTOM  . 
To  lift  up  the  masses  of  men  to  a  hipher 
standpoint  of  moral  and  mental  excellence,  to 
Impart  to  them  greater  skill,  greater  produc 
tive  power  ,  greater  self  respect  and  higher  con 
scientious  motives,  are  the  only  mean^  of  a  per 
manent  cure  of  poverty,  crime  and  discontent. 
This  can  be  accomplished  by  three-fold  action: 
Political,  Personal  aud  Associated. 

PROPER  POLITICAL  ACTION. 
Political  action  can  only  tend  incidentally  to 
this  object.  Tbc  workingmen,  like  all  good 
citizens,  ought  to  ally  themselves  with  that 
party,  whose  hlRtory  tarnishes  thf  most  com 
plete  guarantee*  of  beneflcieat  progress.  If 
the  workingmen  of  the  United  States  have  any 
specific  reforms  to  propose,  they  must  first  p  re- 
teat  them  at  *V<  b*r  of  pulik  wrii&m.  where 


political  causes  are  tried,  and  then  endeavor 
to  have  them  incorporated  iu  the  platform  oi 
the  dominant  political  party;  for  in  that  way 
they  will  be  most  speedily  converted  into  the 
hiw  of  the  land.  If  then  the  Republican  party 
has  given  evidence  that  it  is  ready  to  adopt  till 
principles  and  ideas  which  the  pupular  con 
science  approves,  and  make  them  a  part  of  its 
platform,  iurelv  the  worfeingman,  as  such,  has 
no  occasion  first  to  tear  down  that  political 
party  and  establish  a  new  one,  for  the  purpose 
of  accomplishing  his  objects.  Common  sense 
clearly  indicates  that  It  is  much  easier  to  engraft 
any  popular  principle  into  the  platform  of  £ 
dominant  party  which  has  the  power  to  carry  i 
out,  than  first  to  popularize  a  principle,  which 
must  bo  done  at  all  events,  and  then  tear  down 
the  party  and  substitute  a  new  and  special  party 
in  its  place.  It  may  be  strongly  suspected, 
therefore,  that  those  who  advocate  the  pro 
priety  of  securing  special  legislation  for  the 
working  man  by  the  formation  of  a  new  party, 
are  using  this  only  as  a  pretext  to  bring  the 
Democratic  party  into  power,  and  for  the  pur 
pose  of  obtaining  pelf,  places,  and  power  for 
themselves. 

In  so  far  then  as  the  workingjnan  needs 
special  legislation,  he  can  obtain  it,  after  due 
discussion,  from  the  Republican  party,  which 
has  a  history  that  incontrovertibly  shows  that 
it  has  been,  for  the  last  ten  years,  the  one,  real, 
practical  friend  of  the  workingman,  making  no 
distinction  on  account  ol  race  or  color. 

HISTORY  OT  rwa  WORKTNGMAH'S  MOVEMENT. 

What  has  given  to  the  modern  labor  move 
ment  its  strength  and  consideration?  What 
has  given  an  impulse  to  the  elevation  and  dig- 
nification  of  labor  throughout  the  whole  world, 
except  the  abolition  of  involuntary  labor  in  the 
United  States  ? 

During  the  forty  years'  reign  of  the  Demo 
cratic  party,  several  millions  of  workingmen 
and  women  and  their  offspring  were  bought 
and  sold,  like  the  cattle  of  the  ield.  and 
dedicated  to  the  infernal  rnoloch  of  American 
Slavery.  American  workingmen  were  prevented 
by  cruel  and  outrageous  laws  from  learning  to 
read  and  write,  and,  consequently,  to  think. 
They  were  prevented  both  by  laws'  and  public 
opinion  from  leaving  the  class  of  physical  la 
borers  to  enter  the  professions  or  to  become 
their  own  employers. 

The  Republican  party,  teekic?  the  emancipa 
tion  of  this  oppressed  class,  through  good  and 
evil  report,  and  after  years  ol  si  ruggle  and 
obloquy,  succeeded  in  arousing  the  public  con 
science  to  demand  the  abolition  of  Involuntary 
servitude.  The  Kepublio&n  party  insisted  that 
voluntary  labor,  secured  by  voluntary  and 
equitable  contracts,  should  be  substituted  for 
involuntary  and  hereditary  slavery.  The 
party  has  done  more  -than  this,  it  has  over 
come  successfully,  with  the  *id  of  the  nation, 
a  gigantic  civil  war.  Under  its  leadership 
several  hundred  thousand  n.en  sacrificed  their 
lives  in  behalf  of  that  grand  principle,  ttiat  in 
voluntary  servitude  shall  be  forever  abolished. 


EDUCATION  AHD 

The  enormous  debt  which  now  rests  upon 
the  nation,  and  which  is  ao  incubus  upon  everj 
man's  energies,  was  caused  hy  the  lace  Igantif 
rebellion.  These  rebels  we.-e  all  Democrat* 
There  were  no  R«publican»  in  the  rebellion. 
And  since  that  time  ev«r  j  means  calculated  U 


6 


benefit  thlg  cHss  of  poor  emancipated  laborers 
has  been  reveled  -with  insolence  and  malignity. 
The  Ku  Klui  outrages  to-day  are  nothing 
more  than  the  earn*  malignancy  on  the  part  of 
the  land-holders  against  their  former  slaves, 
tiding  by 'intimidation  to  nave  them  submit  to 
their  previous  domination,  cneating  them  out 
of  their  wages,  and  reducing  them  to  their  for 
mer  state  of  Hb.ject  dependence,  though  they 
cannot  re-establish  slavery  in  name. 

The  Republican  party  has  made  the  very 
name  of  reform  a  popular  catch-word — so  that 
pseudo  reformers  are  proclaming  their  silly  re 
form  nostrums,  like  patent  medicine  dealers,  on 
ew,ry  stump.  Until  the  Republican  party  made 
"reform"  popular,  conservatism  and  conserva 
tive  nostrume  were  the  order  of  the  day. 

THI    HOMESTEAD  LAWS. 

The  record  show*,  and  it  is  a  dark  and  damn 
ing  record,  that  th«  only  veto  which  President 
Bnnhanan  had  th«  courage  to  muster,  was 
nnrled  against  the  Homestead  Bill,  which  en 
acted  that  the  public  domain  shall  be  set  apart 
for  the  use  of  the  actual  settlers.  It  super- 
seeded  the  issue  of  land  warrants,  which  could 
be  bought  up  by  capitalists,  and  located  in  large 
bodies,  thus  preventing  the  workingman  from 
gaining  a  home  upon  the  national  domain,  ex 
cept  on  ut-unous  and  disadvantageous  terms. 
It  was  the  Republican  party  that  in  the  very 
first  year  of  its  power,  enacted  the  Homestead 
Bill  into  a  law,  and  has  ui>b.eld  its  provisions 
ever  since.  The  memory  of  the  American  peo 
ple  mu6t  bs  short,  indeed,  if  they  do  not  recol 
lect  that  the  Homestead  policy  was  denounced 
by  the  Democratic  press,  U.H  unconstitutional, 
aggramn  *tud  revolutionary. 

ENFRANCHISEMENT  OP  THB  FXSBDMEH. 
The  Republican  party,  not  satisfied  with  the 
mere  emancipation  of  the  Southern  working- 
men,  enfranchised  them,  and  conferred  upon 
them  the  ireedman's  weapon — the  ballot — so 
tLat  they  might  be  able  to  maintain  their  poli 
tical  and  personal  rights  ot  ? oluntary  labor  and 
of  State  education,  against  the  assaults  of  their 
eueiuie*. 

TOTC  FwEKi>itA*r's  BUREAU. 

The  Republican  party  did  more  than  that . 
It  saw  that  these  people  were  too  poor  to  main 
tain  voluntary  school's.  It  *aw  that  the  public 
sentiment  in  the  former  slave  States  wits  totally 
opposed  to  giving  them  *n  education  or  to  es 
tablish  common  schools  of  any  kind.  The 
South  never  had  decent  schools  before  emanci 
pation,  ard  determined  not  to  have  any  icr  the 
use  of  the  treedmeo.  Therefore  the  freedmen's 
bureau  was  instituted,  which  for  several  years 
undertook  to  establish  schools  under  national 
auspices,  free  alike  to  the  children  of  all 
classes ;  and  it  the  freedmen  profited  most 
largely  by  these  national  schools,  it  was  be 
cause  the  white  workingman  had  sunk  so  low 
as  to  be  unable  to  appreciate  the  advantages 
and  blessings  of  education. 

The  Republican  party  made,  moreover,  &  sol 
emn  compact  before  readmitting  the  late  rebel- 
flous  STATES  into  the  Union,  that  they  should 
maintain,  hereafter,  public  schools  open  to  all, 
which  couid  ouly  inure  to  the  benefit  of  the 
irorkingmen ,  both  black  ami  white. 

THB  PUBITT  or  TWI  KAJLLOT  Box. 
The  Republican  party  ha*   enacted  a  law  to 
protect  each  and  every  man  IB  casting  hli  bal 
lot,  to  greYrfKt  baliot-ctufflni;    b?    aaworthy 


m«a,  to  Kuar&ntet  to  each  and  every  working- 
man  hla  absolute  sovereignty  ;  and  to  secure  to 
him  his  equal  influence,  which  is  endangered  by 
the  corrupting  power  of  wealth,  wielded  by 
monopolies  and  consolidated  capita'  But  in 
every  stage,  in  every  turn,  no  matter  what 
beneflcient  provisions  were  proposed,  the  Re 
publican  party  has  encountered  the  virulent 
and  deadly  hostility  of  the  Democratic  leaders 
and  presa.  And  even  to-day,  in  the  recent  ad 
dress  which  was  published  by  them,  signed  by 
fourteen  United  States  Senators,  and  ninety- 
three  Democratic  Representatives,  we  defy  any 
one  to  find  one  single  generous  sentiment,  the 
proposal  of  a  single  specific  measure  of  reform, 
a  single  line  expressing  intention  to  benefit, 
either  the  workingman,  or  the  country  at  large, 
or  as  tending  to  augment  the  glory  and  honor 
of  the  Nation,  either  at  home  or  abroad.  It  is 
the  same  system  of  fault-finding,  of  palling 
down,  of  belittleing,  of  every  true  conscien 
tious  and  philanthropic  man  that  has  endea- 
tered  to  promote  the  progress  of  our  country, 
Whenever  our  Government  has  endeavored 
to  protect  the  weak  *nd  poor  in  their  rights, 
the  Democratic  party  fcas  exhausted  the  vo 
cabulary  of  oprobhous  terms,  in  denouncia- 
tion  of  the  Republican  party.  Surely  the  work 
ing-men  of  the  United  States  are  too  intelli 
gent  to  be  misled  by  this  fierce  denunciation 
of  measures,  which  experience  and  time  have 
proved  of  benefit  alike  to  the  nation  at  large, 
and  particularly  to  the  poor  men  of  integrity, 
and  interested  in  an  honest  government. 

LAZTD  GHANTS  TO  RAR.KOAM. 

It  is  true  Urge  quantities  of  public  lands 
kave  been  granted  to  Railroad  Companies,  and 
the  time  has  come  when  this  system  of  dis 
posing  of  the  public  domain  must  stop.  Some 
of  the  land  grants  were  not  made  judiciously, 
and  the  temptation  to  Congressiona'  corrup 
tion  la  very  great.  Yet  the  land  grants  given 
to  the  Pacific  Railways  are,  by  no  means,  an 
unmixed  evil  They  have  rendered  accessible 
many  millions  of  acres  of  )and — loi»t  in  the 
American  denert — which,  as  long  as  speedy 
communication  was  wanting,  could  only  be 
used  as  hunting  ground*. 

The  Railroad  Companies  are  ifreatly  inter 
ested  ia  emigration;  it  is  of  the  utmost  con- 
sequeBce  to  them,  to  have  their  long  and  ex 
posed  Hues  protected  by  settlement* ;  and, 
therefore,  they  are  offering  their  lands  on  such 
easy  lenns  that  emigrants  prefer  them  to  the 
public  lauds  further  off.  A  law,  however, 
ought  to  be  speedily  enacted,  fixing  the  max- 
imucB  price  of  said  lands,  and  preventing  their 
sale  la  large  contiguous  bodies  to  single  in 
dividuals  and  corporations.  I  aw  glad  that 
public  sentiment  has  been  aroused  upon  this 
question,  and  that  the  workingnaen  ana  people 
generally,  will  visit  with  political  damnation 
the  politician  who  favors  the  squandering  of 
the  public  domain.  Tne  Republican,  party 
and  press  are  fully  committed  agaiust  further 
land  grants  on  the  terms  hithertoo  unule. 
Tut  £i»aT  flora  LAW. 

At  the  demand  of  the  wortcingraen,  and  a* 
&  national  example,  the  Republican  party  en 
acted  that,  on  all  public  works,  eight  hours  shall 
constitute  a  day's  work.  Toi*  is  another  evi 
dence  that  thii  party  has  been  anxious  to  a*- 
ears  the  telvcxca  »»d  eo-9p*r&tioi  tf  til* 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  THE   WORK- 
INGMAN'S  FRIEND. 

No.  3. 
ECONOMY  AKD  EDUCATION. 

Workingmen  must,  however,  act  individually 
for  the  attainment  c*  prosperity.  So  that  con 
tracts  are  enforced ;  so  that  life  and  property 
are  secure ;  so  that  every  young  man  Is  freely 
permitted  to  learn  any  trade,  or  enter  any  voca 
tion  he  pleases,  and  every  man  is  allowed  to 
change  that  vocation  at  will ;  so  that  no  law  is 
made  which  takes  more  from  than  they  ought 
to  pay;  so  that  it  provides  them  with  a  com 
plete  and  free  system  of  education — taking  the 
eLild  from  the  primary  school  and  advancing 
him  tothegrammerand  high  school,  and  finally 
sending  him  to  the  University  without  any 
charge  of  tution  ;  the  State  has  done  all  that  it 
ought  to  do  as  an  organized  corporation. 

The  individual  workmen  must  observe  tem 
perance,  industry,  energy  and  persistence, 
habits  oi  study  and  careful  observation,  espec 
ially  in  the  way  of  making  the  mechanical  arts 
and  occupations  more  esteemed. 

ECONOMY  is  OF  THIS  HIGHEST  YALUB. 

Is  there  anything  in  the  conditions,  circum 
stances,  or  laws  of  the  United  States  that  will 
prevent  any  of  your  boys  from  becoming  inde 
pendent  and  have  an  accumulated  capital  of  at 
least  $10,000  wnen  forty  years  of  age  ?  I  take 
the  following  illustration  from  a  recent  number 
of  the  D'abnqfne  Times,  of  what  immense  results 
the  savings  of  thirty  cents  per  day  will  accom 
plish  : 

HOW    BOYS  MAY  BECOME   RlCH. 

IN  DUBUQUE  there  are  one  thousand  boys  on 
the  threshold  of  manhood  and  business  life, 
possessing  sufficient  education  for  ordinary 
business  purposes,  and  who  feel  sure  that  if 
they  only  had  the  capital  with  which  to  embark 
in  business,  they  might,  in  the  course  of  an  ordi- 
parv  lifetime,  acquire  an  independence,  if  not 
great  wealth.  Of  these  one  thousand  boys,  a 
large  portion  ol  those  who  remain  alive  until 
they  arrive  at  old  age  will  then  find  themselves 
seedy,  penniless  and  wretched — or  but  a  single 
step  above  this  condition,  struggling  for  a 
meager  subsistence,  by  hard  day's  works  de 
pendent  upon  some  capitalist  for  the  ernplov- 
meut  whereby  tney  earu  their  bread.  And  then, 
in  looking  back  over  the  past,  and  questioning 
with  themselves  why  their  lives  should  have 
been  sueh  a  failure,  they  will  declare,  and,  per 
haps,  actually  believe,  that  "luck  was  against 
tltem;"  that  they  were  obeyed  to  begin  life 
without  capital,  and  ne»  er  louud  an  opportunity 
to  acquire  capital,  to  serve  as  a  foundation  for 
a  fortune.  We  v  'pose  to  examine  into  the 
validity  of  this  plea. 

The  majority  •>!  'V-*se  young  men,  in  imita 
tion  of  the  habit  .»  fV-e.  best  society,  make  use 
of  tobacco  in  the  ,.;-,i.t.*:  of  cigars.  Some  smoke 
rarely,  but  are  sdee.t  in  their  taste,  and  use  only 
the  better  kinds  of  citrare ;  say,  three  a  day  at 
ten  cents  each.  Others — and  by  far  the  greater 
number — average  six  cigars  a  day,  at  (we  will 
su.v)  live  cents  each.  Thirty  cents  a  day  for 
cigars  or  tobacco  in  some  shape  Is  a  very 
moderate  allowance  for  an  ordinary  habitual 
smoker.  This  amounts  to  (30x365)  $109.50  a 
yaar.  In  the  course  of  the  year,  by  purchas 
ing  at  wholesale,  the  individual  ma?  make  a 
saving  of  the  odd  $9.50*  fc 


as  the  amount  expended  for  tobacco  te  th* 
coarse  of  the  year. 

We  will  begin  with  young  men  seventeen 
years  of  age.  Between  his  seventeenth  and 
eighteenth  birthday  he  expends  $100  for  cigars. 
That  $100,  if  placed  at  interest  at  10  per  cent, 
on  his  eighteenth  birthday,  would,  by  his  nine 
teenth  birthday,  amount  to  $110.  "That  $110 
placed  at  interest  until  his  twentieth  birthday, 
would  amount  to  $121.  That  $121  placed  at 
Interest  until  his  twenty-first  birthday,  would 
amount  to  $133.10.  By  continuing  the  calcula 
tion,  the  smoker  will  find  that  the  one  hundred 
dollars  expended  during  his  seventeenth  year, 
if  simply  put  out  at  interest  at  ten  per  cent.,  and 
reinvested  annually — a  very  easy  thing  to  do— 
by  the  time  the  Individual  had  arrived  at  a  good 
hale  old  age,  ready  to  "retire  from  business" 
and  enjoy  life,  would  amount  to  the  startling 
sum  of  $9,720.03.  ' 

The  amount  at  ten  per  cent  interest,  by  the 
time  the  individual  would  be  sixty-five  years 
old,  oi  $100  expended  in  cigars  or  tobacco  by  a 
young  man  in  his— 

YEAR.  YEAR.  YEAR. 

17th     $ 

18th    . 

19th    . 

20th  . 
!  21st  . 

33d  . 
I  23d  . 
i  24th  . 

25th    . 

26th    . 

27th  . 
I  2Sth  . 

29th  . 
I  80th  . 
j  81st  . 

32d  . 
Total 
In  other  words  the  young  man  who  uses 

tobacco  in  any  shape,  to  the  value  of  thirty  cents 
i  a  day,  in  the  course  of  an   ordinary  life-time, 

expends  an  amount,  which,  il  instead  of  spend- 
)  ing  it  for  tobacco,  he  had  invested  annually  at 

ten  per  cent  interest,  would  afford  him  a  fortune 

|!  of  over  one  hundred  thouvind  dollars. 
We  do  not  think  of  a  word  of  comment  that 
can  add  to  the  force  of  these  fJgu«ss. 

A    PBRMANHNT  PURPOSE  IN  LIFE. 

One  thing  above  all  others  cannot  be  im- 
I  pressed  upon  both  old  and  younsr  with  too  great 
j  an  emphasis.  It  is,  that -.a  definite  purpose  of 
life,  and  a  conviction  that  what  we  may  produce 
with  hand  or  brain,  i&  for  the  benefit  of  the 
I  world,  is  essential  to  our  happiness.  An  idle 
i  life  leads  to  worthlessness,  wretchedness,  gam 
bling,  debauchery,  and  finally  to  the  State 
prison  or  an  early  grave.  It  isan  essential  con 
dition,  made  a  law  by  the  Creator  Himself,  which 
no  man  can,  with  impunity,  transgress,  that  in 
telligent,  continuous  effort  to  do  and  accom 
plish  something  is  essential  to  individual  con-, 
tentrnent.  The  envy,  therefore,  which  some 
times  enters  the  heart  of  the  workingmen 
against  the  sons  of  rich  men  whom  they  see 
loitering  on  the  street  corners,  is  misplaced. 
These  men  do  not  only,  not  enjoy  the  same 
degree  of  personal  happiness  and  comfort,  but 
they  are  often  plunged  into  recklessness  and 
vice.  Look  theo  not  to  without  for  relJef, 
but  frma  «**&»  AJIOOX  the  inalienable 


9790.03 

33d  $ 

2111.4? 

49th 

$  459.50 

8820.03 

34th  . 

1916.48 

50th 

.  417.73 

8018.21 

35th  . 

1744.98 

51st 

.  379.75 

7289.28 

36th  . 

1680.34 

52d 

.  213.05 

6v>36.68 

3V  th  . 

1443.13  sad 

.  205.31 

6024.19 

48th  . 

1311.05 

54th 

.  250.80 

5476.54 

-,9th  . 

1191.85 

55th 

•  2S5.79 

4978.07  40th  . 

1033.49  56  Mi 

.  214.36 

4526.05  41st  . 

884.99  57th 

.  194.81 

4114.59 

42d  . 

895.44 

58th 

.  1.7.15 

3740.54 

43d  . 

814.04 

59th 

.  161.05 

3400.48 

44th  . 

740.03 

60th, 

.  146.41 

8001.5') 

45th  . 

072.76 

61st 

.  133.10 

2810.3-2 

46th  . 

611.60 

62d 

.  121.00 

2554.83 

47th  . 

556.00 

63d 

.  110.00 

2322.52 

43th  . 

505.05 

64th 

,  100.  00 

. 

. 

$105,395.50 

rights  of  *  freeman  gtarn!i  preeminent  the  right 
to  enter  into  a  contract,  and  the  right  to  wor£ 
for  whom  he  pleases,  and  at  such  wages  as  he 
tor  himself  may  determine.  First  class  me 
chanics  ought  to  resist  the  attempt  of  Inferior 
and  incompetent  men  to  control  their  wages  and 
hours  of  labor.  The  man  who  dares  not  to  face 
the  world  on  hie  own  hook — who  dares  not  to 
take  a  job  of  work  without  permission  of  some 
"order"  will  always  remain  as  poor  aaa  church 
mouse. 

A  TRJLDK  AMONG  THB  INALHCNJLBLE  BIGHTS. 
A  trade  or  calling  is  the  birth-right  of  every 
man  and  woman  who  chooses  to  follow  it.  To 
prohibit,  by  law,  by  usage  or  by  combinations, 
any  person  from  becoming  a  mechanic  or  artizan 
.8  a  crime.  The  assumption,  that  if  tLere  are 
but  a  few  rn«n  to  work  in  a  particular  calling, 
doing  a  minimum  amount  of  work,  the  price  of 
that  class  of  labor  will  thereby  be  enhanced,  is 
entirely  fallacious.  There  is  a  point  at  which 
consumption  stops.  Whenever  the  production 
of  any  article  is  so  costly  that  by  doing  other 
work  we  cannot  equal  it  as  an  equivalent,  other 
articles  are  used  in  Us  place.  Thus,  lor  instance, 
Sf  all  the  bricklayers  in  the  United  States  were 
to  combine  and  charge  a  hundred  dollars  for 
laying  a  thousand  bricks,  the  consequence  would 
be  that  brick  houses  would  not  be  built,  and 
brick  laying  avoided  in  every  possible  way.  In 
fact,  we  are  doing  as  much  work  with  all  the 
improved  machinery  that  we  now  have — with 
steam  power,  railways,  steam-boats,  power 
looms,  Ac. — in  a  month,  than  fifty  years  ago, 
we  did  in  a  year,  yet  there  is  more  demand  for 
work,  a  greater  demand  for  skillful  and  intelli 
gent  laborers  than  was  ever  known  before.  The 
nacre  industry  there  is  in  the  land,  the  greater 
is  the  demand  for  workers,  and  the  more  idle 
ness,  the  less  capacity  is  there  ior  general  em 
ployment. 

THE  JLBSKNCS  OF  CAPITU* 
Some  agitators  are  trying  to  make  the  work- 
ingman  believe  that  the  paradise  of  the  laborer 
Is  where  theie  is  no  capital.  In  other  words,  il 
all  the  rich  men  and  wealth  were  evept  out  of 
existence,  and  every  man  had  to  do  his  own 
work,  thus  being  his  own  employer,  holding 
only  as  mucn  land  as  he,  by"  himself,  could 
cultivate,  the  milleuium  for  workingmen  would 
have  come.  If  any  of  these  crentleinen 
wish  to  try  this  condition  of  affairs  practically; 
if  they  wish  to  live  in  a  land  without  capital, 
and,  tnerefbre,  without  machinery,  without 
roads,  without  good  schools,  universities, 
churches,  public  buildings  and  other  necessary 
institutions  of  high  civilization  ;  if  they  wish  to 
go  to  a  land  where  each  man  raises  enough  for 
his  own  needs  and  packs  a  little  surplus,  where 
with  to  obtain  his  tools,  on  the  back  of  an  ass 
or  rnule  and  carries  it  to  the  sea  coast,  let  nirn 
go  to  Santo  Dominso,  for  there  that  happy  con 
dition  of  society  exists.  There  you  have  enough 
to  eat— kind  nature  gives  that  plentifully; 
there  with  very  little  exertion,  you  can  raise 
enough  tobacco  and  other  products  to  exchange 
for  clothing  ;  and  then  you  can  be  as  happy  as 
the  hog  that  only  needs  in  addition  a  inud-pud- 
dle  for  complete  enjoyment.  The  absence  of 
capital,  as  such,  is  not  a  blessing,  but  a  very 
great  disadvantage,  and,  therelore,  the  object 
of  the  philanthropist  is  to  show  a  way  by  which 
every  man,  every  laborer  can  become,  partly  by 
*elf-sa«rifice,  partly  by  higher  skill  and  greater 

»&<*  partly  b.»  aqvitfcblo  lawa,  *  <•*-*-• 


Ullit  himself.  We  should  try  to  contort  on* 
country  Into  &  land  of  capitalists  instead  of  » 
land  of  poverty  and  wretchedness.  Surely,  il 
we  have  a  consciousness  of  our  own  immor 
tality  ;  if  we  regard  this  life  as  only  probation 
ary^ — as  one  fitting  th«  soul  for  a  higher  destiny, 
and  greater  mental  and  moral  exertions  heieaf- 
ter,  a  definite  purpose  in  life  which  prevents  the 
rust  of  idleness  and  corruption  from  corrod 
ing  our  vitality,  is  an  essential  condition  both  to 
our  happiness  here  and  hereafter.  Thus  the 
laborer  who  conscientiously  does  his  duty,  edu 
cates  his  child  ren,  urges  them  to  enter  au  bouest. 
vocation,  can  be,  and  is  the happieat man  o'iiis 
age  and  time. 

MEA.3UBKS  OF   PBHMANflNT  RKLI/iF. 

But  what  of  the  future  ?  Among  the  rerafdtei 
most  likely  to  develope  the  manhood  o;  the 
workingraea,  aad  aid  their  material  develop 
ment.,  the  following  are  suggested : 

First,  The  alliance  of  the  workingmea  wii& 
the  party  of  progress,  humanity,  law  and  or'der, 
and  opposition  to  the  party  of  organized  villainy, 
deception  and  fraud.  It,  muat  be  evident  to  all, 
that  Tammany  flail  corruption  combined  Kith 
secession  hatret  and  Ku  Klux  outrage.-?,  would, 
in  case  of  success  at  the  next  election,  nation 
alize  the  New  York  system  of  organized  eorrap. 
tion,  aud  the  rule  of  great  corporation?.  Why 
is  there  more  poverty  and  crime  iu  New  York 
city  than  any  whereon  the  comment?  It  ia 
because  thirty-five  million*  of  taxes  are  wniog 
from  the  producer?,  annually,  to  be  in  great 
part,  divided  among  a  few  "men  of  immense 
wealth  like  Tweed  and  others. 

11  the  workingmen  were  to  organize  and  to 
support  the  Kepublican  party,  they  could  select 
their  own  .nen  and  place  them  upon  the  ticket 
for  Congress  in  all  laree  cities,  the  Republican 
party  would  gladly  honor  with  its  support  some 
intelligent  and  patriotic  artizau.  Beiore  you 
rush  into  the  dark,  and  peril  all  you  have  gained, 
you  had  better  first  try  what,  earnest  co-opera 
tion  with  the  Republican  party  will  do. 

Secondly  t  Organized  and  powerful,  railway 
and  otter  combinations  nr..ist'  be  restrained  in 
their  rapacity  by  law.  There  is  nothing  above 
the  State,  and  no  combination  can  be  allowed 
to  subvert  the  general  rights  of  the  community. 
The  railway*  are  our  only  practical  -public  high 
ways,  and  Congress  has  full  power  to  regulate 
the  charge*  on  freight  and  passengers  for  tao 
protection  of  the  public.  "The 'laws  of  ihe 
States  gave  railways  ttie  right  of  entry  oa  pri 
vate  lands,  because  it  was  held  that  they  .v«ife 
necessary  ior  commerce  aud  inter-communica 
tion,  and  this  part  of  the  compact  cannot  be 
annulled  by  arbitrary  and  extortionate  charges. 
Thirdly,  The  Government  ought  to  aid  lha 
construction  or  construct  a  double  track  rail 
way  from  St.  Louis  to  New  York,  wita  a  iew 
branches  from  Chicago  and  Cincinnati,  in  the 
West,  and  one  to  Boston  and  Baltimore  in  the 
East,  which  should  be  open  to  all  persona  as  a 
great  freight  road.  A  uniform  rate  oi  speed, 
and  a  toll  sufficient  to  keep  the  roadrbed  in 
order,  with  a  signal  code  and  the  use  of  the 
telegraph  are  all  the  conditions  neeees-iry.  Tins 
road  would  regulate  the  freights  of  ail  others, 
and  provide  moreover  cheap  transportation  for 
emigrants,  and  also  for  cattle. 

Fourthly,  The  Government  ought  to  estab 
lish  a  system  of  Foet  Office  Saving  Banks,  wiiicJi 
would  be  of  great  benefit  to  the  Government 
.••-;  i  ?":  iter 


«o*itantly  it  re§t  in  onr  widely  extended  coun 
try  from  three  to  four  hundred  million  a  of  dol- 
l*r»,  which  are  not  deposited  because  they  are 
owned  in  too  email  sums  and  subject  to  con- 
•tant  use.  If  then  the  Government  were  to 
establish  A  Post  Office  Saving:  Batik  In  every 
village  of  2000  inhabitants  or  upwards,  at  which 
til  persons  could  make  deposits  in  sums  of  five 
dollars  or  more  and  receive  interest  on  the  same 
at  the  rate  of  four  per  cent  per  anuum,  it  would 
be  R  e:reat  inducement  to  the  -young  to  wive 
their  earnings,  aflord  a  cheap  loan  to  the  Gov 
ernment,  and  also  cause  the  payment  to  the 
people  of  from  twelve  to  sixteen  millions  of  dol 
lars  per  year  on  money  that  is  now  lying  idle. 

In  addition  to  thie  bank,  a  svstem  of  transfer 
draft*  could  be  Introduced  so  that  a  family  emi 
grating  from  Boston  could  deposit  their  money 
there,  and  take  out  a  transfer  draft,  payable  at 
StFaul.  This  system  of  national  saving  banks 
with  transfer  drafts  would  be  of  very  great  and 
permanent  benefit  to  the  working  classes.  It 
!•  alto  perfectly  practical,  easily  managed  and 
understood,  and  very  much  like  the  money 
order  system. 

As  goon  as  the  National  Debt  is  sufficiently 
diminished  to  make  the  interest  burden  easy, 
and  the  machinery  of  the  Postal  Government 
Saving  Biinkt  is  perfectly  established,  the  Gov 
ernment  mav  go  one  step  further,  and  re-loan 
the  people's  money  at  five  per  cert,  per  annum, 
to  build  up  bonaflde  industrial  enterprises,  and 
more  particularly,  mechanics  co-operative  as- 
•ociations. 

Let  us  enforce  and  set  in  motion  the  principles 
herein  set  forth,  and  we  will  have  reached  a 
highor  level  of  social  and  administrative  in 
fluences,  upon  which  we  can  rear  a  beautiful 
and  permanent  superstructure. 

The  happiness  and  prosperity  of  each  and 
•very  citizen,  and  not  the  increase  of  commerce 
orof  production,  should  be  the  first  object  of 
aociety  and  of  law  ;  and  it  may  even  be  neces- 
•ary  to  discourage  this  wild  and  often  unprin 
cipled  hunt  after  material  riebes,  now  inaugu 
rated.  At  all  events,  every  real  progress  is 
achieved  by  long,  continuous  and  painful  strug 
gle,  and.  therefore,  we  must  not  be  discouraged 
because  ten  or  twenty  years  are  required— which 
IK  the  life  of  &  nation  are  but  as  a  single  year— 
to  pain  acceptance  for  new  and  important 
truths. 

Kitty,  The  Statistical  Bureau  ought  to  be 
ekarged  with  the  regular  collection  of  facts  as 
to  the  demand  of  laborers  and  mechanics  in 
different  localities ;  the  wages  paid,  and  the  price 
of  land,  produce,  board,  <fec.  If  several  hun 
dred  thousand  dollars  can  be  spent  to  announce 
the  daily  state  of  the  weather;  surely  this  in 
formation  is  of  greater  importance,  and  can  be 
collected  with  less  expense. 

A  BETTER  SYSTEM  o»  EDUCATION. 

Bixtly,     The  majority  of  the  American  peo- 

Ele  are  proud  of  their  system  of  education, 
ave  spent  already  large  sums  to  establish  it, 
and  are  willing  to  make  even  greater  pecuniary 
sacrifices  to  enlarge  it.  And  yet  it  must  be 
evident  to  every  thinker  that  the  system  is 
greatly  and  radically  deficient.  It  cannot  be 
expected  that  this  great  question  shall  be  here 
fully  discussed,  but  a  few  suggestions  are 
thrown  out  whose  consideration  may,  in  time, 
produce  good  resultfi. 

First  ami  foremost,  we  muet  have  better  and 
more  highly  trained  teachers.  W«  aivst  make 
th«  ofce«  ti  UK&at  imto  6*t  of  tx*  most,  tt 


not  ffemoit  Important  prof&«#!ot,  IB*  while 
we  insist  on  a  long  and  arduous  course  of 
special  training,  w«  must  also  adequately  re 
munerate  the  suceegefnl  teacher.  The  system  of 
hiring  young  women  who  only  look  to  teach 
ing  as  a  temporary  expedient,  until  a  chance  for 
marriage  occurs,  is  not  only  money  wasted  but 
a  very  great  and  lasting  Injury  inflicted  upon  the 
rising  generation.  The  establishment  of  semi 
naries  for  teachers  is  ao  absolute  and  immediate 
necessity;  for  Plato  well  and  truly  said,  "that 
while  seven  years  of  silent  study  are  necessary 
to  diictrn  the  truth,  fourteen  years  are  necessary 
to  enable  one  to  learn  how  to  teach  it  to  others. " 

I  take,  moreover,  the  ground  that  what  we 
call  "education"  is  exceedingly  deficient  in 
compass.  It  does  well  enough  within  its  chan 
nel  which  Is  exceedina-ly  narrow,  but  it  does  not 
pretend  to  educate  all  the  faculties  of  the  hu 
man  being.  The  whole  system  consists  in  train- 
ins;  the  memory  so  that  it  may  retain  mechani 
cally  a  esrtujn  number  of  facts ;  »nd  IB  sharpen- 
nin*  tb»  intellectual  faculties  without  enlarging 
their  scope.  I  cannot  think  of  one  exception  to 
the  rule  that  the  United  States  have  uot  pro 
duced  a  siuqAe  man,  great  in  any  walk  of  life, 
Who  has  spent  the  first  sixteen  ywtrs  of  hie  life 
in  a  city  01  upwards  of  eighty  th.oDwa.nd  inhabi 
tants.  That  individuality  of  character  which 
alone  gives  personal  prominence  is  entirely 
wanting,  and  cannot  be  replaced  by  mete  cul 
ture  or  refinement.  Our  present  system  deals 
chiefly  in  words  and  trifles,  which,  whether  re 
membered  or  not,  are  of  very  little  consequence. 
Grammar  and  spelling  are  very  well  in  their 
place,  but  they  are  not  the  chief  end  ol  educa 
tion.  If  the  man  is  otherwise  yrreat,  he  learni 
them  in  other  pursuits,  and  if  his  character  ia 
dwarfed  his  spelling  is  of  very  little  consequence. 
The  child  has  varions  faculties,  physical,  moral, 
mental  and  mechanical ;  and  wnSry  system  of 
education  that  does  not  aflord  the  means  of 
educating  all  of  these,  is  a  failure. 

Our  educational  system  ought  to  be  moulded 
.upon  the  suggestions  of  Festal  ozai  and  Froeble. 
The  child  between  five  to  eight  years  of  age, 
ought  to  have  a  chance  to  educate  its  eye.  bands 
fingers  and  limbs.  Under  the  guise  of  play,  it 
ought  to  be  taught  the  correct  oae  of  the  pencil, 
needle,  tools,  <fec.  It  ought  to  be  taught  to  sing, 
to  recite,  to  construct  and  to  amasC  itself  and 
others.  In  fact,  learning  should  be  made,  and 
it,  moreover,  can  be  made,  the  most  pleasing 
and  entertaining  portion  of  a  child's  life. 
PROPER  MOKAL  INSTRUCTIONS. 

In  our  anxiety  to  keep  out  of  our  public 
schools  all  religious  dogmas — that  is  theology  or 
reasoning  about  God  proper — so  that  Atheists, 
Deists,  Jews,  Protestants  and  Catholics  may 
have  no  conscientious  scruples  to  send  their 
children,  we  have  excluded  all  moral  cultiva 
tion  and  instruction  as  such.  We  have  exem 
plifications  of  the  artificial  and  arbitrary  divi 
sions  of  the  sound  of  every  letter  in  the  alphabet  • 
we  have  the  most  insignificant  grammatical 
deviation  duly  noted,  we  have  all  the  anthmetl 
al,  algebraical  and  geometrical  rules  com 
mitted  to  memory,  but  there  i»  not  a  single  texi 
book  that  points  out  to  the  growing  cLild,  tht 
point  where  deception,  disobedience,  dissimula 
tion  and  dishonesty  begin  ;  or  engraves  into  th» 
youthful  mind  a  proper  abhorrence  of  erti 
thoughts  and  evil  deeds.  This  question  o< 
morality  is  not  so  easy  as  is  usually  supposed 
there  are,  in  ffc«t,  few  pertos.t  who  can  al^^e 
t*-.eonTars*HA% 


. 


nnd  bvatae£«  transactions.  Exaggeration*  of 
statement  are  found  in  sermons,  and  over-praifie 
of  articles  to  be  gold  are  not  uncommon.  Be 
fore  we  can  have  more  honesty  in  public  affairs 
we  inuet  have  a  higher  moral  sentiment  in  the 
iommunity.  I  do  not  care  whether  a  Professor 
Huxley  or  a  Catholic  Bishop  prepared  the  moral 
text  book,  so  that  it  is  plain  and  thorough,  and 
avoids  the  introduction  of  theological  dogmas. 
This  subject  is  one  of  so  great  importance  that 
It  ought  v.o  excite  the  attention  of  all  who  wish 
to  make  a  stand  against  the  manifest  increase  of 
corruption  in  private  and  public  life.  Sunday 
schools,  which  are  chiefly  engaged  in  teaching 
theological  dogmas,  are  entirely  inadequate  to 
give  a  sufficiency  of  purely  moral  instruction*. 
PROPER  FEMALE  EDUCATION. 

The  masses  of  the  growing  female  children 
nave  ao  suitable  educational  facilities  provided 
lor  their  use.  The  answer  that  our  universities, 
law  aud  medical  colleges  are  now  opened  to 
all,  is  like  the  gift  of  a  stone  to  those  who  hun 
ger  for  bread.  The  daughter*  of  our  artizans, 
tradesmen,  laborers  and  email  farmers,  have 
not  the  time  to  attend  universities.  Nor  would 
It  be  of  any  benefit  to  many  because  they  have 
not  sufficient  capacity,  for  neither  the  masses  of 
men  or  women  are  fitted  for  the  professions. 

Inasmuch  as  the  probabilities  are  that  four 
females  out  of  five  will  get  married,  the  Female 
Polytechnic  schools  should  teach  every  branch 
of  house-keeping  and  particularly  cooking. 
The  waste  of  bad  cookery  ia  frightful— fully 
equal  to  25  per  cent  of  all  the  food  consumed. 
But  inasmuch  as  she  may  never  be  married,  or 
become  a  widow,  she  ought  to  have  trie  facility 
of  learning  a  trade.  The  use  of  the  sewing  and 
knitting  machine,  bonnet  trimming, drew  mak 
ing,  tailoring,  fancy  work,  even  carriage  trim 
ming  and  painting,  aud  all  sorts  of  trades  fitted 
for  woman  should  be  taught  freely  to  all.  This 
ie  the  practical  remedy  lor  four  fifths  of  the 
complaints  we  now  hear.  It  is  a  great  absurdi 
ty  to  claim  that  females  get  lesg  wages  than 
men  because  they  connot  vote.  The  reason  they 
get  smaller  pav  is  that  thev  do  lew  satisfactory 
work,  and  U,e  chief  cause  of  this  is,  that  they 
have  to  "pick  up,"  whatever  they  may  under 
take,  without  thorough  training  or  preparation. 
TRAI>B  SCHOOLS  FOR  MAJLBS. 

It  is  about  time  that  something  should  be  done 
to  meet  the  want  ot  our  growing  youth  that  i* 
prevented  partly  by  Trades  Unions,  and  partly 
by  «  foolish  public  sentiment,  from  learning 
useful  trades.  To  many  youths  any rhuig  ia  pre 
ferable  to  regular  woik.  The  street  railways 
are  overrun  with  applications  for  conductor- 
ships,  though  the  pay  la  only  two  dollars  for 
fourteen  hours  work.  The  same  men  might  tret 
four  dollars  for  ten  norir's  v/ork  as  machinists, 
carpenters  or  masons.  A  trade  is  a  sheet  an 
chor.  It  is  a  real  and  abiding  capital— a  never 
failing  resource  in  case  of  failure  elsewhere. 
The  feeling  oi  security  and  power  of  the  man 
who  can  eay,  "very  well,  if  all  other  means  fail 
I  can  work  at  my  trade"  ;  gives  him  courage  to 
v  age  the  battle  of  life  with  success.  I  would 
entrust  the  happiness  of  my  daughter  a  thous 
and  times  rather  to  a  competent  mechanic  than 
to  any  young  man,  no  matter  how  genteely 
seeming,  who  has  no  regular  profession  or  cal 
ling. 

The  diploma  given  by  a  Polytechnic  school  of 
A  high  grade,  after  a  thorough  examination  by 
experts,  would  be  a  passport  to  foremanships  and 
ftc-partnersfeipt  witb  capitalist!.  Ttvt  gradntr 


tl«a  of  these  youthful  mechanics,  .eoinjj  fort* 
Into  the  world,  full  of  heart  and  hope  that  they 
are  able  to  toil  and  to  build,  would  be  witnessed 
and  applauded  by  all  classes  of  society.  A 
graduated  mechanic,  with  the  training,  air  and 
polish  of  the  student,  would  be  welcome  ia 
every  social  circle. 

Thus  must  labor  be  honored,  elevated  and 
respected.  And  I  hope  that  the  Republican 
State  Governments  will  at  once  initiate  this 
beueflcient  and  necessary  reform. 

Lastly,  This  system  of  education  naturally 
leads  to  the  last  and  most  important  of  all 
means  for  the  elevation  of  the  workingmen— the 
system  of  mutual  co-operation  between  capital 
ists  and  workmen.  Whenever  this  system  has 
been  fairly  tried,  it  has  been  a  wonderful  suc 
cess.  It  is  true  mere  sham  co-partnerships, 
where  the  capitalists  have  tried  to  overreach  the 
employes  by  fraudulent  entries  and  charges, 
have  failed.  But  an  honest  and  brotherly  divi 
sion  of  profits  has  always  been  a  success.  The 
proposition  that  the  workingmau  should  receive 
a  stipulated  sum,  and  in  addition  a  reasonable 
share  of  profit,  has  every  where  produced  satis 
factory  results.  But  a  thoroughly  educated  aud 
trained  mechanical  class  will  make  these  co 
partnerships  the  rule  instead  of  tliu  exception. 
CONCLUSION. 

What  a  glorious  country  this  will  be  when  we 
have  well  educated  and  gcientific  artizans ;  when 
the  printer,  the  book-binder,  the  blacksmith,  and 
the  carpenter  will  be  graduates  from  institutions, 
taking  a  pride  in  their  calling,  believing  that  they 
are  not  only  equal  in  law  to  all  other  men,  but 
that  their  vocation  is  as  honorable,  as  respectable, 
and  as  conducive  to  the  comfort  and  necessity  of 
men  as  that  of  the  lawyer,  the  doctor,  or  the  min 
ister.  Thus  we  will  have  a  real  fraternity,  a  broth 
erhood,  not  in  speech  but  in  fact,  a  brotherhood 
of  highly-skilled,  intellectual  men,  who  choose  to 
be  the  one  thing  or  the  other,  because  they  expect 
to  excel  in  their  respective  callings.  And  thus  will 
b»  realized,  the  kindly  declaration  of  Scotland's 
poet  of  the  people,  that 

"flank  ia  but  the  guinea's  stamp 
A  man's  a  niaa  for  *'  that." 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  is  at 
present  in  honest  hands,  in  safe  hands,  ia  patriotic 
hands.  No  one  doubts  the  patriotism  of  Presi 
dent  Grant,  by  whose  foresight  and  military  skill, 
the  workingman's  cause  was  prevented  from  being 
the  "lost  cau»«,"  and  the  confederate  or  capitalist* 
cause  w&a  prevented  from  being  the  dominant 
cause.  No  one  questions  the  high  integrity  or  un 
approachable  honesty  of  Secretary  Boutwell,  who 
presides  over  our  finances  ia  these  times  of  rapaci 
ty  and  corruption,  when  meu  are  more  eager  to 
accumulate  fortunes  than  to  retain  reputations  for 
integrity. 

We  are  about  to  lesseu  the  burdens  imposed  upon 
us  by  the  slave-holders-  war,  inaugurated  und«r 
the  auspices  of  the  Democratic  party,  by  paying 
off— permanently  destroying — the  debt  of  tke 
United  States.  Thus  we  are  not  simply  postpon 
ing  payment  by  «asy  taxation  now  for  greater  tax 
ation  hereafter,  but  by  prompt  payment  of  the 
principal,  stop  the  interest  and  thus  afford  per 
manent  relief  Two  hundred  and  thirty  millions 
of  dollars  have  thus  already  been  paid,  the  interest 
on  this  sum  is  no  less  than  fourteen  million!  of 
dollars  per  year,  and  the  retrenchment  and  reform 
inaugurat«d  in  other  channels  of  the  civil  servict 
will  show  at  the  end  of  Grant's  administration,  a 
balance  sheet  equal  to  fifty  million!  of  dollar*  of 
l«a»  annual  *xpenditnre«  toss  at  it*  fee-fining. 


' 


the  greatness  of  the  nation,  Its  jro»rev  anu  vi 
tality,  its  civilization  and  manhood  must  act  be 
measured  by  its  productions,  nor  by  its  com 
merce,  nor  by  its  manufactures ;  the  greatness, 
T'crrer  and  durability  of  the  nation  must  be 
measured  by  the  intellectual  and  moral  worth 
of  its  people;  by  their  frugality,  by  their  tern- 
perateness,  by  their  conscientious  devotion  to 
duty,  by  their  self-sacrifices  on  the  altar  of  truth. 
Production  and  commerce  only  show  prosperity 
ni  a  coarser  form.  It  ia  the  literature,  the 
r'.vjtry,  the  arts,  and  the  religion  of  the  land. 
whtch  are  the  criterion  by  which  to  judge  of  its 
permanency  and  power. 

America  is  the  reservoir  into  which  the  most 
energetic  and  enterprising  elements  of  all  na 
tions  have  poured  aud  are  pouring.  It  is  a  great 
nation,  grand  In  its  physical  proportions,  grand 
in  its  Dolitlcal  institutions,  grand  in  its  moral 
aspirations,  grand  in  Its  patriotic  devotion  and 
hope  of  a  permanent  life*;  and  grand  in  ita  ex 
ample  to  other  nations. 

Let  us  then  rally  all  the  progressive  elements, 
all  that  is  moral  aud  virtuous,  into  one  power 
ful  and  harmonious  party,  sacrificing  private 
views  OB  far  as  may  be  for  the  sake  of  upholding 
our  Government,  and  handing  it  down  to  our 
children,  ever  increasing  in  power  and  glory. 

A  SUMMARY. 
WHAT  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  HAS  DONE,  is 

PBOOF  OF  WHAT  IT  WILL  DO. 

1st.  Among  the  first  acts  of  the  Republican 
Congress,  after  some  necessary  rneasurrs  to  resist 
the  Democratic  Rebellion,  wa*,  the  adoption  of 
the  Homestead  law,  under  which  the  whole  mass 
of  the  public  domain  is  opened  to  the  possession 
and  ownership  or  the  laboring  man,  upon  the 
condition  of  settlement  and  cultivation,  at  the 
nominal  price  of  $10  for  a  160  acres. 

2nd.  Provision  was  made  by  which  this  vast 
property  is  largely  enhanced  in  value,  and  ren 
dered  accessible  to  men  of  limited  means,  ovar 
the  lines  of  thy  Trans-continental  Railroad— the 
construct '.on  of  whjcJi,  bad  basso,  djalasfldl 


Democratic  rale,  by  t  -e  tat  that  free 
would  possess  thia  rich  Inheritance,  to  the  ex 
clusion  of  slave  labor. 

3rd.  The  whole  system  of  servile  labor  wa§ 
abolished  by  the  Republican  partv,  in  spite  of 
the  united  and  persistent  opposition  of  the 
Democracy  in  Congress  and  on  the  battle  field. 

4th.  Again,  the  wnole  mass  of  unrequited  labor 
was  lifted  to  the  dignity  of  the  country's  defen 
ders,  thereby  giving  it  enlarged  opportunities, 
enabling^it  to  command  the  attention  and  the 
sympathies  of  the  nation,  and  rendering::  its 
future  subjection  to  bondage  absolutely  im 
possible. 

5th.  This  whole  class  was  eudowed  with  citi 
zenship  and  all  its  rightg  and  aclvantages-against 
all  of  which  acts,  che  Democrats  in  Congress 
and  in  the  States,  recorded  a  united  negative — 
yet  it  Is  easy  to  see  that  each  successive  step 
added  immeasurably  to  the  dignity  and  power 
of  labor. 

6th,  The  whole  remaining  public  lands  of  the 
South,  were  reserved  from  sale,  nnd  appropriated 
to  the  exclusive  use  of  actual  Bottlers,  by  which 
the  landless  laborers  of  that  section,  come  to 
the  ownership  of  more  that  45,000,000  acres, 
sufficient  for  half  a  million  of  homes  of  80  acres 
each,  and  by  which,  also,  the  further  progress 
of  land  monopoly  in  that  section  is  forever 
stopped. 

7th.  It  has  given  guaranty  by  a  solemn  and 
unanimous  declaration  of  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  that  the  future  land  policy  of  the 
party  shall  be  in  the  interest  of  individual  occu 
pation  and  ownership,  and  opposed  to  sales  or' 
eraata  under  conditions,  which  will  admit  the 
further  growth  of  personal  or  corporate  mo 
nopoly. 

8th.  And  finally  it  has  given  practical  evidence 
of  its  fidelity  to  the  principles  of  land  distribu 
tion  to  actual  occupants,  through  ita  organized 
land  committees,  and  in  the  defeat  of  numerous 
land  grswat  bjlls>*t  t&e,  recent  ecw«Mi  of  Con- 
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